Benjamin Haddad

« as I mentioned, the next few months will be really critical. And we've said that our objective »

« We created the coalition, »

« Alors, ce sont des initiatives qui sont soutenues par des groupes français comme Publicis ou Orange, qui étaient déjà d'ailleurs très impliqués dans le soutien à choisir la French Tech. Ça a été 2 milliards d'investissements en 2026 pour les entreprises de la French Tech. C'est 800 entreprises qui, ces dernières années, se sont engagées dans cette initiative au niveau français. Donc maintenant, on est en train de lancer cette coalition au niveau européen. Ça, c'est cet effort avec les entreprises. Mais je vous le disais, on a des rendez-vous européens qui sont absolument fondamentaux. La négociation du prochain budget européen, le cadre financier pluriannuel, qui est le budget sur 7 ans de l'Union européenne entre les périodes 2028 et 2034. Mettre combien sur la table ? Nous avons poussé pour la création d'un fonds de compétitivité qui nous permettra de soutenir aussi les entreprises avec un principe qui doit être fondamental, celui de la préférence européenne, c'est-à-dire de soutenir nos propres acteurs européens, de ne pas se mettre dans la dépendance d'acteurs américains ou chinois. »

« Vous savez, en fait, aujourd'hui, on est à VivaTech. On voit notre écosystème, nos pépites dans l'intelligence artificielle, dans le quantique, dans l'IA, dans le spatial. Mais en réalité, quand on parle de ces sujets d'innovation aujourd'hui, ce n'est pas juste une question de croissance ou de création d'emplois, d'accélération industrielle. C'est évidemment une question de souveraineté et d'autonomie stratégique. On a vu la décision de l'administration Trump de limiter l'accès à Anthropique pour les personnes étrangères. L'impact que ça peut avoir aussi pour l'Europe. Eh bien, fondamentalement, c'est pour ça qu'on a besoin à la fois de règles, de règles communes. Quand on pense à ce qu'on a fait ces dernières années sur la lutte contre la haine en ligne, la protection des mineurs, qui est évidemment une priorité du président de la République, la lutte contre les ingérences et la désinformation. Mais on a aussi besoin de coopération, de coopération entre les démocraties, entre les Etats-Unis et l'Europe. Et donc, c'est pour ça que c'est très important de mettre ces sujets numériques aussi à l'agenda du G7. Et c'est pour ça que le président de la République s'est exprimé sur ce sujet aujourd'hui. »

« Alors, ce sont des initiatives qui sont soutenues par des groupes français comme Publicis ou Orange, qui étaient déjà d'ailleurs très impliqués dans le soutien à choisir la French Tech. Ça a été 2 milliards d'investissements en 2026 pour les entreprises de la French Tech. C'est 800 entreprises qui, ces dernières années, se sont engagées dans cette initiative au niveau français. Donc maintenant, on est en train de lancer cette coalition au niveau européen. Ça, c'est cet effort avec les entreprises. Mais je vous le disais, on a des rendez-vous européens qui sont absolument fondamentaux. La négociation du prochain budget européen, le cadre financier pluriannuel, qui est le budget sur 7 ans de l'Union européenne entre les périodes 2028 et 2034. Mettre combien sur la table ? Nous avons poussé pour la création d'un fonds de compétitivité qui nous permettra de soutenir aussi les entreprises avec un principe qui doit être fondamental, celui de la préférence européenne, c'est-à-dire de soutenir nos propres acteurs européens, de ne pas se mettre dans la dépendance d'acteurs américains ou chinois. »

« Vous savez, en fait, aujourd'hui, on est à VivaTech. On voit notre écosystème, nos pépites dans l'intelligence artificielle, dans le quantique, dans l'IA, dans le spatial. Mais en réalité, quand on parle de ces sujets d'innovation aujourd'hui, ce n'est pas juste une question de croissance ou de création d'emplois, d'accélération industrielle. C'est évidemment une question de souveraineté et d'autonomie stratégique. On a vu la décision de l'administration Trump de limiter l'accès à Anthropique pour les personnes étrangères. L'impact que ça peut avoir aussi pour l'Europe. Eh bien, fondamentalement, c'est pour ça qu'on a besoin à la fois de règles, de règles communes. Quand on pense à ce qu'on a fait ces dernières années sur la lutte contre la haine en ligne, la protection des mineurs, qui est évidemment une priorité du président de la République, la lutte contre les ingérences et la désinformation. Mais on a aussi besoin de coopération, de coopération entre les démocraties, entre les Etats-Unis et l'Europe. Et donc, c'est pour ça que c'est très important de mettre ces sujets numériques aussi à l'agenda du G7. Et c'est pour ça que le président de la République s'est exprimé sur ce sujet aujourd'hui. »

« Alors sur ce fonds européen de compétitivité, on part sur 500 milliards d'euros pour l'intelligence artificielle, pour le quantique, pour la défense, le spatial, les technologies vertes aussi, pour faire la transition environnementale. Tout ça vient s'appuyer sur différents fonds aussi qui aident les entreprises à faire du scale-up. Parce qu'on le sait, aujourd'hui, on a beaucoup d'entreprises qui nous disent, on a des produits, on a déjà des premiers investisseurs. Mais quand on veut passer à l'échelle et qu'on compare, par exemple, à ce que les Américains ont en termes de fonds de venture capital ou de fonds de pension, nous n'avons pas ce niveau de financement. Donc c'est là que la force publique, les institutions peuvent faire levier et entraîner aussi l'épargne privée pour aller soutenir nos écosystèmes d'innovation. Donc voilà un petit peu là les principales avancées, les principales négociations qui sont en cours et qui seront absolument cruciales sur ce sujet. »

« it's very clear when you look at the historical situation which we're in right now, that we need more investment capacities for Europe to strengthen our strategic autonomy in all the key strategic areas. When you think of defense, space, AI, quantum, green tech, this budget, you know, because when you're going to look at it through an accounting perspective, at the end of the day, it's a political and strategic conversation about the kind of Europe that we want for the next decade. In this context, yes, we need an ambitious budget. And it's true that it cannot rely solely on the contribution of the member states because there's not the fiscal capacity for this, let's be honest. So this is why, and France has said this repeatedly, a sine qua non-condition for us for the adoption of the budget is having an ambitious package of own resources. I think what's important is own resources that they don't weigh on European companies or household more than actors that are external to Europe and protect our single market and that they don't duplicate national resources already existing. And then you mentioned common borrowing. Yes, look, you know, we did it in other critical moments for Europe. We did it, of course, during COVID with Next Generation EU for the first time. We managed to overcome a taboo and pull together common debt to be able to invest into the recovery of our economy. But let's be honest, we also did it just a couple of months ago with the 90 billion loan to Ukraine. And once again, we borrowed on the market with safe liquid assets from the European Union. There's actually a lot of demand on markets for assets coming from the European Union, which is a reliable, trusted financial partner. And I think when you look at areas like defense, like space or like AI, where we're under investing, we're under leverage compared to the US, for example. This is where it would make sense indeed to once again borrow on the markets and inject investment massively to support our own innovators, our own companies. »

« first, a couple of points on what you mentioned in your question, because you talked about the US diplomatic track. But let's be clear, it's not up to either the US or Russia or any actor external to the EU to decide who gets a membership within the European Union. That's a negotiation, a track, a reform process of Ukraine with the Europeans. And we're there to support Ukraine. We're there to accompany Ukraine. There is no shortcut for this accession. This is precisely, by the way, why the public opinion support the enlargement process in the candidate states. It's because they know that it's synonymous with anchoring the rule of law, anchoring liberal democracy, with ensuring checks and balance, ensuring the fight against corruption. We've always been in support of more gradual accession where you don't switch off and off the light when you get in, but you progressively integrate certain blocks of policy. And that's work that we can shape, that we can work on with Germany, with our partners, with the European Commission. »

« first, a couple of points on what you mentioned in your question, because you talked about the US diplomatic track. But let's be clear, it's not up to either the US or Russia or any actor external to the EU to decide who gets a membership within the European Union. That's a negotiation, a track, a reform process of Ukraine with the Europeans. And we're there to support Ukraine. We're there to accompany Ukraine. There is no shortcut for this accession. This is precisely, by the way, why the public opinion support the enlargement process in the candidate states. It's because they know that it's synonymous with anchoring the rule of law, anchoring liberal democracy, with ensuring checks and balance, ensuring the fight against corruption. We've always been in support of more gradual accession where you don't switch off and off the light when you get in, but you progressively integrate certain blocks of policy. And that's work that we can shape, that we can work on with Germany, with our partners, with the European Commission. »

« Well, first, look, you know, France supports Ukraine, Moldova's EU candidacy. And the next step for me, the immediate step, I would say, looking at the June European Council, is the opening of the first cluster of negotiation on fundamentals, which, as you know, has been weaponized, instrumentalized by Viktor Orban before, for electoral domestic reasons. Now that he lost the elections, I think, you know, it should be based on the own merits. And each country should advance based on its reforms on the integration of the ITQ communitaire. Ukraine and Moldova are ready to open the first cluster. So first, let's do this. And then it's important that we continue this work on the reforms. This is why, by the way, we've always said there's no shortcut. It's a long, it's a demanding process. It's about the fight against corruption, the independence of judiciary, the protection of minorities, et cetera, et cetera. Now, with that being said, you know, France was the country initially that pushed, you know, a few years ago for a more gradual form of accession where you integrate certain blocks of policies. And I understand also the need to send a message, to send a signal to the Ukrainian population that we want Ukraine down the road to be a member, a full member of the European Union. So we're ready to work also on how to, I would say, complete, how to perfect that gradual integration. And I think opening the debate and opening the conversation on this is positive. »

« look, I see that this debate is going on in the media and the commentary. And you're right that once again, you know, Europeans need to take matters in their own hand. And so there's no reason why we should let others negotiate on the behalf of Europeans, of the European security architecture. So Europeans should be ready also to have their own diplomatic track, as President Macron has said repeatedly. But I would say our priority now, clearly, is to continue to support Ukraine, to continue to increase the pressure on Russia. »

« No, you're right. President Macron has always said that when the time is right, we should have our own channel of communication with Russia because there's no reason to let the Americans alone at the negotiation table when, first and foremost, it's the security of Europe that's at stake. Now, you have to look at the reality, which is that Russia is not engaging seriously in diplomacy. It's not interested in the ceasefire and peace. It continues its escalation. So I think the key now is to continue to provide our support to Ukraine, is to continue to increase the pressure on Russia economically. »

« we've seen over the last few days is one more criminal escalation from Russia against Ukraine's civilians. »

« think so, because I think that we're still maybe sometimes the last evangelist of a religion that no one is practicing anymore. You know, the religion of unfettered free trade, of the WTO, which clearly China and the US have abandoned a long time ago. So, you know, the commitment to this international law, international trade law, it's important, but you have to be strong to be respected. You have to be able to defend your interests as well. And you have to be able to use all the tools that you leverage, especially to impose just very basic principles of fairness and reciprocity. »

« Look, I think there's a realization that's coming across everywhere in Europe. For a long time, you know, we thought that it was safe to export to China. And now we see, on the contrary, that you see a technological know-how that's increasing in China with the support also of the state. And that at the end of the day, you know, we have 450 million people. We have a strong single market. There's every reason to be optimistic about the power that a single market can represent, but only if we're able to leverage it. And we have all the tools at our disposal, whether that's safeguard clauses, whether that's tariffs, whether that's by European clauses that we can put with the industrial accelerator, for example. So now the key is not to be naive, look at what others are doing and protect ourselves as well. You know, look at the US. The US, they didn't have to wait for Trump to do the Buy America Act. They didn't have to wait for Trump to do the Inflation Reduction »

« Yes, because at the end of the day, you know, we're for trade, but we're for reciprocal trade, fair trade on a level playing field. But we can see that the time is running out. It's 10,000 jobs that are destroyed, 10,000 manufacturing industrial jobs destroyed every month in Germany because of the competition coming »

« Look, I think there's a realization that's coming across everywhere in Europe. For a long time, you know, we thought that it was safe to export to China. And now we see, on the contrary, that you see a technological know-how that's increasing in China with the support also of the state. And that at the end of the day, you know, we have 450 million people. We have a strong single market. There's every reason to be optimistic about the power that a single market can represent, but only if we're able to leverage it. And we have all the tools at our disposal, whether that's safeguard clauses, whether that's tariffs, whether that's by European clauses that we can put with the industrial accelerator, for example. So now the key is not to be naive, look at what others are doing and protect ourselves as well. You know, look at the US. The US, they didn't have to wait for Trump to do the Buy America Act. They didn't have to wait for Trump to do the Inflation Reduction »

« I think when you have a core group of member states that want to move forward, that want to deepen their integration and cooperation on these issues, then, you know, at some point, we should be able to move forward and create momentum for others to join. Now on your first question, has there been a plan and a move? Yes, because the commission actually proposed a plan that's drawing on the Draghi and Letta reports called One Market, One Europe, that precisely gives, I think, an ambitious legislative agenda for the next couple of years »

« I think when you have a core group of member states that want to move forward, that want to deepen their integration and cooperation on these issues, then, you know, at some point, we should be able to move forward and create momentum for others to join. Now on your first question, has there been a plan and a move? Yes, because the commission actually proposed a plan that's drawing on the Draghi and Letta reports called One Market, One Europe, that precisely gives, I think, an ambitious legislative agenda for the next couple of years »

« it's very clear when you look at the historical situation which we're in right now, that we need more investment capacities for Europe to strengthen our strategic autonomy in all the key strategic areas. When you think of defense, space, AI, quantum, green tech, this budget, you know, because when you're going to look at it through an accounting perspective, at the end of the day, it's a political and strategic conversation about the kind of Europe that we want for the next decade. In this context, yes, we need an ambitious budget. And it's true that it cannot rely solely on the contribution of the member states because there's not the fiscal capacity for this, let's be honest. So this is why, and France has said this repeatedly, a sine qua non-condition for us for the adoption of the budget is having an ambitious package of own resources. I think what's important is own resources that they don't weigh on European companies or household more than actors that are external to Europe and protect our single market and that they don't duplicate national resources already existing. And then you mentioned common borrowing. Yes, look, you know, we did it in other critical moments for Europe. We did it, of course, during COVID with Next Generation EU for the first time. We managed to overcome a taboo and pull together common debt to be able to invest into the recovery of our economy. But let's be honest, we also did it just a couple of months ago with the 90 billion loan to Ukraine. And once again, we borrowed on the market with safe liquid assets from the European Union. There's actually a lot of demand on markets for assets coming from the European Union, which is a reliable, trusted financial partner. And I think when you look at areas like defense, like space or like AI, where we're under investing, we're under leverage compared to the US, for example. This is where it would make sense indeed to once again borrow on the markets and inject investment massively to support our own innovators, our own companies. »

« travaille avec nos partenaires. Vous savez que nous venons d'adopter coup sur coup le 17e et 18e paquet de sanctions de l'Union Européenne, largement sous l'impulsion de la France. Et je voudrais rendre hommage ici au travail de nos diplomates qui visent précisément à tarir les ressources que la Russie utilise pour son effort de guerre, notamment les ressources énergétiques. Le 18e paquet de sanctions qui est massif, vraiment sans précédent, adopté »

« plus tôt possible. Il faut qu »

« c'est positif qu'il y ait des discussions, et ça montre une fois de plus d'ailleurs la bonne volonté des Ukrainiens, qui depuis le début, et le président Zelensky lui-même, a dit qu'il était prêt à s'asseoir autour de la table avec le président Poutine. Mais quand on entend aujourd'hui les demandes maximalistes et extravagantes de la Russie, que ce soit le désarmement de l'Ukraine, quand vous venez d'envahir un pays, vous demandez après à ce qu'il soit désarmé. La dénazification, on est toujours dans cette propagande absurde. Le renversement du président Zelensky, on voit bien que tout ça est inacceptable. Donc encore une fois, on n'est pas là dans une volonté sérieuse de la part de la Russie de négocier et d'aboutir à la paix. C'est d'ailleurs ce qu'entendent aujourd'hui les Américains. Nous, c'est le dialogue qu'on a eu avec les Américains depuis le début. Le président de la République, en parlant avec le président Trump depuis le début, a dit « Nous, on est alignés, on veut trouver les voies d'une paix juste et durable en Europe. Mais aujourd'hui, celui qui s'y refuse, c'est bien sûr la Russie de Vladimir Poutine. » »