Bruno Retailleau promet de "remettre la France à l'endroit" lors de son premier meeting de campagne
Transcription youtube_captions. À recouper avec la source d'origine.
Thank you friends, thank you Clément, thank Thank you to so many others that I can't nommer by their names. Thank you all, thank you for braving the canicule. You are today, contrary to meteorological prevision, There are thousands of people who come from France, from the Outre-mer, from Mayotte, from La Réunion.
You are thousands of people who come from all the federations, hundreds of militants, hundreds of sympathizers, hundreds of curious people, but above all you are thousands of choirs who already burn for France. And you are also proud of the courage, who is ready for our nation and for France. My dear friends, my dear Dear friends, I would like to salute a certain number of people from you, starting by the parlementaires.
There are many parlementaires, and no other movement could reunite today autant of parlementaires, députés and sénateurs, saluez les élus locaux. J'ai tenu à mettre en avant, vous les avez entendus, un petit échantillon. Vous imaginez derrière mais j'ai tenu à mettre en avant les élus locaux, nos maires, parce qu'ils sont notre fierté, ils sont notre avenir.
Ils n'ont pas honte de leur conviction. Voilà, ils sont vraiment notre mouvement. Merci à elles, merci à eux d'avoir donné de si belles victoires à la France et aussi à notre mouvement.
Merci, infiniment Thank you And then I want to salute several personalities, because it takes me to heart, and each person that is here The President of the Senate, my friend Gérard Gérard Larcher. Je voudrais...
Il est déjà président, Gérard Mr. Larcher, he is already president. He will be soon again a new time.
I would like to saluer Anami, who is also our president of the National Conseil National, former Prime Minister. I have had the honor of service to his side, I want to name Michel Barnier. Thank you Michel for being I want to especially saluer a person who is a faithful, who is a fighter, who is a combatant.
It makes it hot for her heart that she is here today, among us. I want to cite Valérie Pécresse. You will allow me to salute our group president, Mathieu D'Arnaud who has succeeded me in the Sénat, notre chef de notre délégation française LR au Parlement européen, le courageux, le talentueux François François-Xavier, bel ami François-Xavier, bel ami and the focus of our movement.
He has a task, often ingrate. Roger Carucci at the National Commission of Investiture and the other, Secrétaire General of our movement. I want to cite Othman political, there is one, I will end up with his name, because his presence is not fortuit.
She is important for me, because she is a symbol, and beyond a symbol, it's an amity. I want to quote François Baroin, thank you very Thank you for being here, my dear François. I will end with the president of the Fédération de Paris, And by a person who comes out of the political field, but I have to heart that he was present this afternoon, among you and among For me, it is a symbol.
It is more than a symbol since it's become a legend. I want to talk about Boilem My dear Boilem, you you are, I said earlier, you are not only a legend but you are for us, for us all, a symbol. You wear the standard of freedom, the libertarians, often and you are also the symbol of what is for me to be French.
My friends, dear friends, we are not only French by the blood or the We are first by the heart and for Boilem, we are in this case by the encre versée. Because we are a great country literary, we will never forget it. And behind the barreaux, A writer, it's finally to bury France.
Thank you for being here and I would like to have a word for Christophe Gleies. The Mondial Le mondial est commencé. Le mondial est recommencé et Christophe Gleize est toujours retenu derrière les barreaux du régime d'Alger.
Voilà mes amis, mes amis nous l avons dit ce matin au Conseil national, je veux le répéter. 2027 c'est l'élection de la dernière chance. La France a rendez-vous avec son destin, avec son histoire en même temps qu'elle a rendez-vous avec son de mes convictions, de tout mon cœur, de tout l'amour que je suis capable pour notre patrie, pour le pays.
Je veux vous dire ceci bientôt, la France va pouvoir se relever. Bientôt, les Français vont pouvoir redresser la tête. Bientôt, nous allons faire gagner la France.
Oui, c'est possible et aujourd'hui, je vous le promets comme je vous fais ce serment de gagner en 2027. Oui, c'est possible. Une France plus forte, c'est possible.
Yes, a stronger France, it's possible. A more free French French, it's possible. A more just and fraternal society, it's not only possible, but it is above all necessary.
And then a people, a great people, the people of France, more proud, that too is possible, I will give you the sermon, we are going We are going to be able to do something great, something simple, because it will be essential, but because this thing is going to touch on something also existentielle, we are going to relever France, we are going to bring France to the place, my friends. Yes it is possible, I will show you the And this path will lead us to victory. Of course, in this presidential election, like in all the presidential elections, there will be combinations, there will be maneuvers, little trahisions, little But there will also be a huge surprise.
This huge surprise is because we are going to win! Yes, we are going to win! Yes, we are going to Oh, my God, We won't win!
I'm not going to finish my Yes, we are going to win because there is something more powerful than these maneuvers. There is you, there is us and there are millions of Français that each week I meet these millions of French who give us a message that they tell us that it goes wrong, that it becomes insupportable, that we can no longer stand like this, that the France marches à l'envers. Oui, mes amis, chers compagnons, après dix ans d'En Marche, plus rien ne marche.
Regardez la justice. La justice, ça ne marche plus. Vous avez d'un côté le laxisme avec les émeutiers lors de la victoire du PSG et de l'autre, cette effroyable réalité se laisser aller qui a coûté la vie à une jeune fille à une jeune enfant, Liana de seulement 11 ans.
Les Français ont été stupéfaits sidérés. Désormais ils sont révoltés et ils demandent des comptes et nous leur devons des comptes. La justice ça ne marche plus.
La santé ça ne marche plus. Ça ne marche plus quand vous avez 6 millions de Français qui dans nos quartiers mais aussi dans la ruralité n'ont plus de médecins traitants. Ça ne marche plus qu'en chaque semaine, dans chaque pharmacie de France, il y a des pénuries de médicaments.
Ça ne marche plus quand on ne peut plus obtenir en quelques semaines et même parfois en quelques mois la notion rendez-vous avec le spécialiste qui peut vous sauver la vie. Et pendant ce temps là, le prix des mutuelles augmente pendant ce temps-là que constatent les Français. C'est que les étrangers en situation irrégulière grâce à l'aide médicale d'État, eux ont un remboursement à 100%.
C'est devenu désormais incompréhensible pour tant de nos compatriotes. Et puis, il y a quelque chose qui ne marche plus non plus, c'est l'ascenseur social. Parce que désormais, the work no longer allows many French to live, but simply to survive.
Because the school is becoming, from all countries of Europe, the most unjust It's the one that is now a machine to fabriquer the injustices because you know that it's in France, in France, where the réussite of the children and the students depends on the social level of the parents, and this is it's intolerable. And there is something that doesn't work either. These are these beautiful words, these beautiful words, these beautiful words.
Just because these words don't stick with the reality that they see the French. They minimise, they relativise, they contourne this reality. Look at them at the end of the PSG victory of simple débordements.
There is simply a dysfonctionnement, a raté quoi. Simplement and these Français who run in diesel and fume des clocks. There is worse, dear friends, there is worse than the reality.
It's this condescendance, it's this mépris du peuple français. Eh bien, la vérité, c'est que si rien ne marche plus, c'est simplement que la politique marche de travers. Ça sert à quoi de faire voter une réforme des retraites et quelques années après de l'abandonner ?
Ça sert What do you want to denounce the money of dingue when it's going to sell in the what-it-en-cote and amonceler hundreds of hundreds of billions of dollars of debt that will still be on our children and our children's children. What do you mean to close my Fessenheim and to rejoice in 48 hours on TV, to rejoice in the nuclear nuclear? What do you mean to that?
What do you mean to that? It's no more than nothing. They think about it, they march about it and they have put the France in reverse.
Well, I I propose tomorrow, President of the Republic, to remettre France to a place. UNO Président ! Oui, les amis, ensemble et avec ces millions de Français, nous allons remettre la France à l Remettre la France à l'endroit, c'est d'abord rendre la parole au peuple.
Rien ne peut advenir de bon en France sans le peuple français. Eh bien, l'engagement solennel que je prends devant vous et devant les Français, je ferme justement à ce malaise démocratique, oui, je réviserai la Constitution de la France pour élargir les possibilités de recourir au referendum, because there is still something that doesn't work anymore in our democracy. Of course there are elections, of course there is even a referendum, but when the French vote no, with the traité of Lisbonne it was yes.
In my region, the Pays-de-la-Loire for Notre-Dame-des on a voté aussi avec un référendum. Ça a été oui et finalement ça a été non. Et puis, dans notre démocratie parlementaire, il y a un Parlement, mon cher Gérard, il y a un Sénat.
Il y a aussi une Assemblée nationale, il y a des and senators who vote the law, and who often are censured. The immigration law, the 30 and a few articles the most firm that we had voted and who were voted in a very large majority, It was censured. Look also, with another issue, Philippines.
It is a year ago we had passed a text, the text was adopted, it was censuré. Il y a aussi, l'été dernier, un autre texte qui voulait durcir la justice des mineurs parce que c'est nécessaire, absolument nécessaire. La loi est adoptée, là encore à une majorité et à nouveau, la loi a été censurée.
Mes amis, bien souvent, quand je pointe du doigt ces dérives, on me sort le carton rouge. On me dit « mais Bruno Retailleau, vous allez mettre en cause l'état de droit ? » Certainement pas.
Moi, je veux l'état de droit qui s'accorde avec la démocratie. Je vous pose une question. Est-ce que l'état de droit, c'est de faire dire au texte et notamment à la French Constitution, what she doesn't say is not.
Is it that the state of law is to confuse the powers? The judges who become authors, who become legislators? No, the state of law is to separate the Is it the state of law?
It's like Jacques Julliard said, the democracy is not the people. No, the state of law trouve its source. The source of the rule, it's the popular sovereignty, my friends.
I promise you, this dépossession démocratique, nous y mettrons fin, nous réviserons la Constitution, l'article 11 pour que les Français puissent se saisir de leur destin parce Because it's their future, it belongs to them. That's what I want. And tomorrow, you will choose.
You won't be able to choose. You choose, by example, the migratoire policy that you want, because there is a contresens. Citez-moi depuis un demi-siècle, citez-moi un seul phénomène social qui est autant bouleverser la société française sans que jamais les français n'aient eu à en délibérer.
C'est l'immigration. Je ne suis pas pour l'immigration zéro, il y a sans doute qu'en Corée du Nord que ça fonctionne. Mais ce que je veux c'est que nous puissions choisir ceux que nous voulons accueillir.
Parce que sinon, l'alternative, ce sera de nous faire déborder par des populations que ne choisiront pas, qui ont des codes et une culture brutalement, radicalement éloignées de la nôtre et qui surtout désormais ne veulent plus s'intégrer, s'assimiler à nos our mœurs, our culture, our civilization. I don't want to see the scenes like that you saw a few days ago in Belfast, in Ireland. I don't want to see them in France, I don't want to hate, I don't want to violence, I don't want to shock civilization.
What I want my friends and friends, what I want is the unity of all our their justice, because the justice is made in the name of the French people. So there is a logic that it is the French people who determine the judicial policy and the judicial policy that they want to apply in all of our territories, of course. But there also we have an impression of a system who doesn't work anymore and it will It doesn't work anymore to design the magistrats, because often it's them, for the part, and it's the big part, which is not politized.
I'm not talking about the legislature, but for the vast majority of magistrats. It's them who are the victims of the complexity of the procedure, of these nullities that allow the part adverse often to annulize the procedures, and finally to the justice of not passing. My friends, the fermeté judiciaire, it can't be considered a slogans.
It can't simply be a policy of fermeté judiciaire. The slogan, you casses and tue répare ? Evidemment que non !
Parce que cette menace-là, c'est pour gronder les enfants qui ont fait des bêtises. Mais ça ne va pas effrayer les barbares auxquels nos our policiers, our gendarmes have to do it. And then there are things that don't There are no lives who are demolished forever, there are no longer existences.
And then there are no longer diseases, physically and physically, that we don't really need to re-referme. So yes, my friends, I I say it again, with all the force of my conviction, the candidates and candidates who will not be able to put on the table propositions, measures radicales to protect our jeunesse, our You imagine a child sexually agressed, every three minutes, 160 000 in an hour. It's a scandal.
Those who don't assume the radicality of It suffit, it suffit, it suffit, it stupéfie the French, this issue between the pronunciations and the peines who are really exécutées. We supprimerons le juge application The obligation of the peine, of course. It is enough to see criminals extremely dangerous, who even after a A pain of imprisonment keeps their danger, because they are soumis to pulsions irrépressibles and can be recidivated.
I propose the chemical castration without their consentement. Mes amis, ensemble nous voulons une justice qui soit intraitable mais surtout nous voulons renouer le fil de la confidence between our magistrats, between the justice française, between the politics, but also the citizens. And that suppose a justice which is certainly independent, but impartial.
Les magistrats doivent appliquer la loi, y compris dans l'exercice syndical. Toute la loi, notamment l'ordonnance de décembre 1958 qui proscrit toute activité politique, toute délibération political justice. I also want a justice, which is a justice responsable.
Aucun corps. It's the article 15 of the Déclaration du citoyen and des droits de l'homme. The society has the right to demand to all public agent of his administration.
That's what we will do in creating a disciplinary course for the magistrats who would have committed This is the first condition, my friends, my dear friends. If we want to put France in place tomorrow, we need to give up the word to the French because we can't govern in a democracy without the people, and therefore we can govern against the people. And then there is a second The second condition, which is fundamental for me, is to put in the heart of our social system, of our social model, the justice.
I And I have a vision for our social model, for our society. Each one for himself. It's not the society of tomorrow that I want.
I want a society solidaire, and not the solitaire. Le chacun pour soi, ce n'est pas la France, parce que la France elle est solidaire, parce que la France doit tendre une main secourable à ceux qui en ont besoin, pour peu qu'ils aient fait l'effort, pour peu qu'ils ne s'accrochent pas system. There are so many things, many things that we irritate, many things that hurt the heart.
Today 12 % of the French regularly go to the parking, on the parking, on the in the supermarket, because they will see what they can get in the bed. You realize that 12 % of the French is the French who work and can't access to the logement and are forced to sleep in their It's the France today. It's the France.
Yes, it's the women solo who élèvent their children with a lot of courage, who work, but who have to be deprived so that they eat their at their end, at each repas. This is intolerable, my friends. And what is the most intolerable, is to see what the French have seen, this social expense which is the first time in the the world.
Jamais on a dépensé autant et jamais il n'y a eu de pauvreté, jamais il y a eu autant d'injustices. Où va l'argent ? C'est ce que nous demandent nos compatriotes, où va l'argent ?
Tant d'argent dépensé, tant d'argent dépensé pour tant d'injustices. L'argent est détourné. Il est détourné parce qu'aujourd'hui tout le système repose sur une immense injustice.
On prend à ceux qui travaillent pour donner à ceux qui ne travaillent pas. 30 % des Français qui y travaillent soutiennent l'ensemble de notre modèle social. Ça ne peut plus tenir parce qu'une fois de plus la variable d The social class who is now sacrificed today, it's the middle class.
This is the truth. This class who saw its electric electricity electricity explode. This is our project for energy, for electricity and we will be able to, especially with nuclear power, abandoning all ideologies, to redone to the French equivalent of an equivalent of two months of their electric bill.
This is the contrary. This France and class moyenne, who saw her Allocations familiales raboté d'abord par François Hollande et ça s'est accéléré sous Emmanuel Macron. Eh bien, il nous faudra relever le défi d'une grande politique familiale.
Nous créerons un revenu familial de 240 40 euros per child, which will double the third child with a housing policy that will allow young people to grow or to access their property with That's the deduction of intérêts and emprunts. And then, of course, the summum of injustice. It's all these Français who work, who see that the charges weigh so much, that there is no longer been also important between the net net and the It's an écart that I want to reduce.
We're going to do it, and we'll do it simply. And we'll do it with zero charge, i .e. with a little more work.
I don't think the French will I will not tell them that we can improve our level of life, our income and our power to buy, so we can work a little bit more. And what I would like to propose is a company of a gagnant society. There where with a little less per day In the course of a half hour of work supplémentaire, there will be a 13th or even 14th month because we will use all the social cotisations.
For the company, it will be the cost of working in less, a better competitiveness, and it will also be additional cash. So you're going to ask me, but where is it going to take this money? Certainly not in the pocket of those who tire, if I who have a hard time to join the two bouts, but to those who tire on the cord.
I've heard Mme Sandrine Rousseau, and she has reason when she proclame the right to the paras. Very good! Everyone is But we assume, we live with our paresse.
We do not live just at the crochet of society. And so, the vision of social model that we have. It's an equilibrio between the rights and the rights, otherwise it doesn't work.
And what I propose is to plafond to 70 % all the social prestations, all We all put them in the same pot, we plafond them to 70 % of the SMI for ensuring that they are still more payable, and that they are still working, and that they have It is the model of a society where the work will not be lost as it is today, but where the work will not be lost as it is certainly not the vision of the society that is left, nor even the National National Assembly who, they want a society of assistance. Well, no, not we! It's one of our great differences, my And finally, there is another injustice that I want to reparate.
There is a paradox. Never in the sondages, the Français have made enough confiance aux entrepreneurs, aux entreprises. And never the entrepreneurs, ceux qui créent de l'emploi, n'ont été aussi maltraités en France.
Jamais en France ceux qui créent de l'emploi n'ont été autant matraqués fiscalement. Jamais finalement ceux qui prennent des risques n'ont autant été fliqués, autant ont été poursuivis par une bureaucratie qui n'en prend jamais elle de risques. Eh bien mes amis, notre conception justement de l'économie c'est que l'entreprise ça n'est pas une vache à lait.
Celles et ceux qui entreprennent, qu'ils soient chefs d'entreprise, commerçants, artisans, agriculteurs ou indépendants, ils prennent des risques souvent sur leur patrimoine. Eh bien eux méritent considération et ils ne sont pas justement des délinquants en puissants, je veux finalement leur donner et faire souffler sur eux un grand vent de liberté, un grand vent qui suscitera la confiance. Liberté Non, ce sera l'appauvrissement collectif et on y est déjà.
Je veux aussi faire en sorte qu'on puisse prendre une tronçonneuse pour qu'on puisse couper dans les normes. Les normes françaises qui nous coûtent 20 fois plus, vous vous rendez compte que les normes allemandes, pas qu'en Chine, pas qu'ailleurs. On se compare simplement à l'Allemagne, notre grand voisin européen.
Ce que je propose, c'est dans la Constitution Française, d'enlever le principe de précaution, ce sera le principe de responsabilité qui guidera la société française. Dès lors, mes amis, dès lors que dans une entreprise, in a branch, the salariés and the chefs of the company will find an agreement. Then they will go to the code of work, unless they have it in mind and respect certain grands principles.
But it's like It's like this one that we will not simplify, but we will be able to regulate so that we can make a vent of confidence and freedom on the entire society. And then I would end with this 3rd that is the second condition for bringing France to an end. To bring France to an end, my friends, it is to bring France in the first place, in a world totally overwhelmed.
I will be able to come back very long, on the international political policy as I want to men it once President of the Republic. My European project, because we can't make this constat of a more and more dangerous of a globalization which is fragmented on the continent, very ideologically, and not think that the best answer is an European response. But the The world in which we are already already, has nothing to do with the world of several years ago.
There are predators and There are predators, and I'm going to go to Poland and Ukraine, and tomorrow, I'll be in Spain, to encourage our friend who will succeed, Mr. Sanchez, in some months, really, and who will be president of the Council. But what I want to tell you is that today there is an enormous paradox also.
Jamais the world has been as menaçant, and for a time, for a time, the France has never been in such a situation of fragilité. Avoir une vision en matière de politique étrangère, de politique internationale, c'est de revenir à ce which made the foundation of the gaullism. Because yes, we are in a moment gaullian.
I wrote it several months ago. We are in a moment gaullian. And the international policy is like the intérieur policy.
The general de Gaulle has taught us to not not distinguish. Politique intérieure, politique extérieure, c'est exactement la même chose. Parce que quand vous êtes faible chez soi, quand vous ne tenez plus vos comptes, vous ne tenez plus la rue, quand tout vous échappe, comment voulez vous que votre voix puisse peser en Europe, qu'elle puisse peser dans le monde ?
Un président de la République qui ne tient pas une ligne ne peut pas tenir une vision, ne peut pas être crédible. Un pays qui ne tient pas ses comptes, Dear Jean-François, it is a country that cannot not have its rank. It's our lesson.
And this vision that I will develop, it is simple. If we don't want to, tomorrow, suffer the world. We need to put an order in our affairs.
The French foreign policy, it doesn't start at Washington, or Pékin, or even I don't know She begins here, in our rues, in our homes, in our schools, this is my conviction. Pour autant, mes amis chers compagnons, les grandes batailles de ce siècle se sont déjà Those who had promised the end of history were a illusion. The world is not governed by the do-commerce, nor by the He is now governed by the interests, by the interests, by the efforts of archaic forces.
In these great battles, the battle which will be the mère of all the battle, so it will be the artificial intelligence, because it's much more than an essential infrastructure. It will be the architecture of the knowledge and so the architecture of a civilisation. This is the battle for progress, for that tomorrow we can be mieux so healed, for that lives are épargnées, for that tomorrow on puisse mieux travailler, mieux s'informer, se divertir.
Mais vous voyez, il y a autant d'opportunités that of menace. This world, I pray for me to believe, is not made for the bisounours. It is not made for those and those who are the maniacs of the norm.
Before we before regulating, before regulating, and imposing the constraints. We need to innovate. It is necessary to innovate.
Europe, and Europe will do it, change of pieds for encouraging our start-up, our unicorns, at least in Mistral. Because we have, and And we, in France, have the chance that among the 27 European countries, we are certainly the best. But it will be necessary for Europe to have its own strategy.
And this is not made by the world who comes with this battle of artificial intelligence, it is not made at all. For those who thought that the world was a peaceful world, this is a battle for our It's the battle rudimentary for sovereignty. It's not that of the atom.
The atom was a means, a nevier for sovereignty. Tomorrow, the artificial artificial intelligence, it will be the sovereignty. The sovereignty itself.
Because behind the platforms you have the empires, the empires privés who have which are géopolitical, impérialist and liable to the power of Etat. Behind the logiciels, you have the intérêts puissants, the reports of force that they don't They don't want to do well. Bref, behind the technique and technology, there is the eternal politics.
If we want tomorrow to preserve our sovereignty, our independence, we need to invest Investir massivement, la France et l'Europe et nos partenaires. Investir massivement pour préserver précisément nos moyens de stockage, la préservation de nos données, pour doubler les And the engineers, especially the engineers specialised in artificial intelligence for launching a program of return to the country, because tant of our French talents, déçus by France, have quitté l'Hexagone, their part is outside. They must already a first movement started.
This is the vision that we have. But this battle is not only a battle for sovereignty and freedom, for economy and power. It's a It's a battle that is one thousand times more important.
Michel Michel, you mentioned this morning in a great fight against the general of Gaulle, the fight for men. Artificial intelligence is also the fight for human dignity. human beings.
There is a phrase that I outlined in the reading of the pape Léon XIV, I quote mot-à-mot, she is very beautiful and very just. Chaque generation receives in heritage, the tâche de façonner son époque. Mes amis, chers compagnons, quelle époque voulons-nous façonner pour nos enfants, nos petits-enfants ?
Quel monde demain voulons-nous un monde de rouages métalliques, mécaniques ? Un monde de robots ou un monde encore humain ? Que voulons-nous les rêves de post-humanisme, de trans humanisme, vous savez ces rêves des géants, des milliardaires de la tech de Palo Alto ?
Ceux qui voudraient tellement hybrider l'homme et la machine parce qu'ils pensent sans doute que l l'algorithme d'Homo sapiens est déjà obsolète mais en réalité ceux qui nous promettent le rêve est un cauchemar, c'est la machine, c'est l'homme comme une machine. Ce que nous voulons de nous c'est to preserve and preserve what is the essence of our human being, with all its richness but also all its fragility. This is also the great fight for the artificial artificial intelligence, for that tomorrow there will be a sort of proportion between the hyper-puissance of the moyens, but also in our minds and in our ethics, in our just the final thing, the final thing, the final thing ultime.
Thank you Yes, my friends, the IA are opportunities and threats, it can serve us and it can serve us. But this battle is called another one, a fundamental, absolutely fundamental, the school, education, education, in general, because of what would it be that the algorithms progress if our capacity, if our levels regress? We would have had generations who would not be of which would not be a generation increase, but which would be a generation diminutive.
This is why the school battle is the mère of all the battle, my friends, this is why, dear François-Xavier, dear Max and others, if we want to refaire l'école française, l'école républicaine. Il faudra d'abord refaire des maîtres d'école, des professeurs. Je veux leur dire aujourd'hui mon admiration, jamais être To be a teacher, it has never been so difficult with the concurrence of the screens, with often families who malheureusement capitulent.
Refaire It means that it would mean to train differently in the normal schools, which will be dedicated to the students, especially with an alternate training. It also means to start centrer sur le métier d'enseignant et ne pas leur demander ce qu'ils ne peuvent pas faire tant de causes où on leur demande de sensibiliser leurs élèves du tri des déchets jusque justement à la lutte à la lutte contre les discriminations. Revenons à l'essentiel, le métier d'enseignant Un professeur is not an associate militant, it's the reason for which we will come to And then I would like to, this afternoon, to be able to address all these young French, also these young Frenchies, who often felt excluded from of the school and education system, French.
To all those who are not at all with the teaching abstract and who feel so much more at all in the because they have this intelligence of the hands. I would like to tell you this, calm and peacefully, never let you ever be valorized. Your talent is an immense believe in your talent, believe in you and your talent, the France needs it.
We will make of its enseignments a big field I want to thank the power of a child, and the ability of a child, and the condition of I want to give them a maximum chance so that they can succeed. What we want together is a Republican school, meritocratic school. The merit and effort are now on the first plan of our ... also try to give a look at what are your trips.
What I want to first tell you is that, in this presidential election, every candidate, each candidate will want to se poser en homme ou en femme d'Etat, c'est naturel. Avec les convictions qui les habitent, avec les sentiments qui les animent. Je voudrais vous dire un peu de ce que sont non seulement ces convictions, mais ces sentiments qui sont mon ressort et qui me poussent en avant.
Le sentiment qui m'habite, c'est le sentiment de gratitude. C'est un sentiment in politics paradoxal. Because men and women have so much affirmed that they have made all of them, absolutely all of them.
The life has I've never heard of it, for what I'm concerned about it, that we never have done it all alone. It's the others who we feed. Thank you The others are mine, my family, it's you, auprès desquels j'ai grandi dans ma communauté vendéenne.
Je n'ai pas grandi dans les belles avenues des grands quartiers. Je n'ai pas grandi non plus dans les longues barres d'immeubles des grandes cités. Je suis un enfant de la ruralité, je suis un enfant de la province et c'est la raison pour laquelle je ne suis pas jacobin, je suis au contraire girondin et je ferai en that Paris doesn't decide at all, and that we have this modern vision of the the whole of this community that I love so much.
But you see, because I am a child of the rurality, for me this rurality is not just a decor of the campaign campaign, but for me this This rurality is the landscape of a whole life. A life that has forged in my convictions. It's auprès of my entrepreneurs entrepreneurs vendéens, c'est eux qui m'ont fait comprendre qu'ils sont souvent partis de rien du tout.
Et avec des salariés exceptionnels, ils ont bâti des fleurons, des fleurons qui rayonnent désormais en France, en Europe, parfois même dans le monde. Ce sont eux qui m'ont appris que l'audace, l'initiative, le travail valent tellement mieux que la subventions. J'ai grandi auprès de mes voisins, auprès d'agriculteurs, de chasseurs, de ruraux, qui m'ont appris à admirer et à contempler la nature à chaque saison, calmement, en la méditant.
J'ai appris à admirer ses paysages. Je sais pourquoi il faut les conserver. Je suis attaché à l'écologie.
Pour moi, l'écologie, ce n'est pas cette idéologie gauchiste qui avance simplement pour déconstruire notre société. For me, the ecology is first human, because she believes in science, she believes in the human genius, but it's especially because I think that my experience on this plan is coming from the human drama. It's because I've known the black and black of l'Irica, it's been 25 years ago, that I've seen entering, in our civil code, the principle Ecologique le droit de la réparation c'est pas un écologiste qui l'a fait je l'ai fait c'est aussi parce que avec xinthia je sais ce que peut to make this meeting between the climate change, a mer which grows and grows, and an urbanism totally debris.
I learned it by experience. The ecology is important, there is an ecology of the right and we will make this ecology which will be a good sense which will not be done, which will not be which will not be denied, which will not be denied, but you will see, we will have so much more results. My friends, it is also a place of these associations, a place of my community, and my department.
They are the ones who have inculqued me the sense of gratuity, the effort, the effort, the others, but also the don of The first engagement, which is mine, has been, like many other members of the country, I think it's an association engagement. Because for all the time, I've had this feeling of having a debt, a debt to give to my community, a debt to give to our country and French, it's the feeling that I live. It's the ressort that is my ressort intime.
My friends, my dear friends, I will never pretend to be Jupiter. Jupiter. Because, by experience, I think that today, and even more tomorrow, France has no need to be She needs to be sure, sure and sure and women sure.
And I will never I would never pretend to be Robespierre, Robespierre who is for me not a hero but who is for me a bourreau. Of course, reverse the table, yes, but not to make the table rase, because that is the summum of the ingratitude. That is this folle idéologie that poussent les ideologues de LFI, c'est ça la définition de leur Nouvelle-France.
Alors moi je dirais, je vous dis cet après-midi et je le dis aux Français, ce qu'est la Nouvelle-France, leur Nouvelle-France à eux, c c'est un nouveau sectarisme, c'est une violence, une justification acceptée de la violence, la brutalisation, non seulement du débat public, mais la violence y compris quand d'autres, notamment une milice, lynch, un jeûne à Lyon. Voilà le lynchage, voilà la justification de la violence, voilà le nouveau sectarisme. Cette nouvelle France, c'est un nouvel antisémitisme qui s'abreuve aux source de l'islamo-gauchisme.
Ils ont applaudi bruyamment le Hamas et ils rigolent la gorge déployée. Des blagues douteuses de Jean-Luc Mélenchon comme celui-ci raillent les noms à consonance juive. C'est intolérable.
C'est cette Nouvelle-France. La Nouvelle-France, c'est aussi la France d'un nouveau racialisme. Ils sont en train de tout racialiser, de racialiser tous les débats.
Tout doit passer au tamis de la couleur de la peau. Ça n'est pas la République. On est français, mon cher Boilem.
Non pas à raison de la couleur de peau, non pas à raison de l'origine, mais on est français par le cœur. C'est ça le modèle républicain. C'est ça aussi notre laïcité.
Alors mes amis, mes chers compagnons, nous allons tous ensemble leur adresser un message aux Insoumis. Ils ne gagneront They will not arrive at this presidential, they will not arrive, because the French and the Français do not want this new France, they know the French and the French. This is an improbable alchimie, which from age to age, generation to generation, from centuries to centuries, has been able to realize an incredible marriage between what there is of particular and singular in every human being and universal in all human It's this country that we love, it's this country that we'll put to the heart of each Français.
A country that will stop being humiliated and who will be proud of what she is, she will be proud of her history, of her future. This is the France that I would like to bring together. And at the moment of finishing my I would like to address each and each one of you.
Of course, this presidential is my affair. Believe me, I will go to the end. I will go to the end and I will go to the And I'm going to put my heart on the table, but I will not be able to Personne ne peut y arriver seul.
Personne, vous m'entendez bien ? J'ai commencé tout à l'heure mon discours en dramatisant. Je pense que cette élection présidentielle est la plus importante depuis un demi siècle.
Je pense que cette élection présidentielle, c'est l'élection de la dernière chance, elle vous concerne chacun d'entre vous. Vous avez peut Maybe children, little children. You want to look at them in the eyes of tomorrow?
You have without doubt grandparents and parents. When I talk about you, I would like to Convoquiez ces images de vos aïeux dans votre mémoire, souvenez-vous de ce qu'ils ont fait pour nous, pour vous. Ils nous ont donné une France, ils ont bâti la France à la sueur de leur and sometimes even at their hands, if you want to be dignified of them, it will need to engage.
No one can stay at the corner, no one can be there, he needs to be I count on you my friends, we will win, together we will win, we can and we will do it, this is what the Françaises and the Français attendent-nous pour la République que nous servons et pour la France que nous aimons. Merci mes amis !
Bruno Retailleau