Discours à l'université Humboldt de Berlin | Emmanuel Macron

Monsieur le ministre, ma chère collègue Mathias Ruffat, excellence, haute distinguée, mesdames et messieurs, soyez le bienvenu. It is my honour to welcome you all here at Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin at the Forum Constitutiones Europae, hosted by the Walter-Heilstein Institute for European Constitutional Law at the Humboldt-Universität, with kind support of Stiftung Mercator. Ladies and gentlemen, the Forum is a well-established tradition at this university, and we are very proud of it.

Since the beginning of the series of lectures in 1998, many distinguished representatives of politics, of justice, of scholarship have presented their views, both on long-term as well as on current developments in the European Union. and its role in the world, shaping the debate on European constitutional law. Joschka Fischer, Udo Di Fabio, Antonio Vitorino, Fritz Bolkestein, Martin Schulz, to name only a few of the high-ranking European politicians and thinkers who shared their perspectives and ideas on European integration, democracy, European identity, the European constitution and EU law, the EU's challenges, crisis and future paths at this Forum Constitutiones Europae, which was founded by my colleague Ingolf Pernice and now is organised by my colleague Matthias Ruffert.

Today, it is my great pleasure and deep honour to welcome Monsieur le Ministre and candidate in the 2017 French presidential election Emmanuel Macron as our honourary to welcome you as our honourary guest and speaker. Only recently, in the light of the terrible terrorist attack, only a few S-Bahn stations from here, Monsieur Macron, reminded us. Nous sommes tous Berlinois.

Nous sommes tous Européens. This view highlights the EU as a community of fate that should reassure itself of its European values, not cutting itself off, but establishing closer European cooperation. Monsieur Macron, my gratitude and special thanks goes to you for your attendance and for sharing your perspective on the Franco-German relation and the future of the European Union with us tonight.

And if you allow a final remark, as a patron of our international legal studies programme, BERMUPA, I take pride in emphasising the flourishing Franco-German friendship between Humboldt Universität and the Université Panthéon Assas Paris II. BERMUPA provides a framework for law students to engage in a Franco-German exchange and dialogue about both their national legal systems as well as the European and international law, thus strengthening mutual understanding and consolidating the Franco-German alliance. BERMUPA APPELS AT Anyways, I cannot meet the qui est une grande fondation privée ici en Allemagne.

Et dans notre travail, nous essayons toujours de fosterer la cohésion dans l'Europe et notre capacité à acter jointly. Ces objectifs peuvent sembler naïve, outil ou simplement impossible à atteindre. Parfois, nous entendons que les efforts ambitieux et les efforts daring sont maintenant plus nécessaires que jamais pour notre système de gouvernance européenne et nos sociétés.

Donc, ce qui fait la cohésion dans l'Europe ? J'ai demandé l'un de nos partenaires de notre projet, dans un grand étudier appelé le Cohésion Monitor. Les recherchants ont constaté que l'un des facteurs qui gardent l'équipe de l'Europe ensemble, qui gardent l'Europe ensemble, sont les contacts de l'Europe.

Et donc, dans tout ce que nous faisons, nous devons ces échanges directes, ces opportunités de dialogue, et les formations de coopération dans une range de nos projets. Nous prenons, par exemple, le Mercato-European Dialogue. Nous invitons les parlementaires des parliaments nationales pour rencontrer régulièrement sur les bordes et les boundaries de les comités et de les pays.

Et ils réunissent, de toute façon, de nous dire que c'est dans ce genre de espace qu'ils peuvent développer fresh perspectives sur burning European issues, such as demigration ou austerity debate. Et dans d'autres projets, ranging all the way from expert dialogues pour les jeunes et les échanges, nous aimons à inviter à l'Europe des jeunes générations, including tous ceux qui sont ici, à être engagés et à comprendre que notre voix, votre voix et votre voix, et vos initiatives, comptent en shaping notre futur. Et en shaping notre futur, c'est aussi notre thème commune ici aujourd'hui.

Et nous nous attendons beaucoup de pensées à M. Macron et à notre discussion. Merci.

M. Macron, Mme Goulard, votre excellentez-vous, et, en plus de tout, M. Macron, c'est mon grand plaisir de vous présenter à la audience de la première lecture de l'Union 2017 in the Forum Constitutionnus Europae, organisé par le Walter Hallstein Institute for European Constitutional Law with the support of the Mercator Foundation and the European Commission.

Given the enormous interest in your lecture, people appear to know you already, and indeed some facts are known to many of us. Emmanuel Macron is a young politician originating from Amiens, a very young one, to be honest. and in this young career, he managed to achieve various goals.

Graduate in philosophy, alumnus to the famous French elite school ENA, high civil servant, then investment banker, advisor in economic matters, at first in the private sector, then to President François Hollande. He joined the French cabinet in 2014 to become the Minister for Economics, Industry and Digital Matters and he left this post to become a candidate for the 2017 presidential election and in this context he founded the movement En Marche. What beyond these facts lies behind the overwhelming interest in Emmanuel Macron's lecture of today?

I think there are two points worth being mentioned which are so uncontested that I do not fear to run the risk to intervene into the French presidential campaign. First, economic expertise. When we German scholars of European economic law look at what happens in France, even in the spirit of doubtless sympathy for this country, we are at least confused.

More than often, social market economy is not mirrored in French concepts like service public. And this may be a reason why the Franco-German relationship does not currently work as an engine to bring Europe out of the crisis. Emmanuel Macron triggered important reforms, the most important summed up in the Loire Macron.

I would submit that his perspective could open the door to new Franco-German initiatives. Second, European integration. There is no need to waste time describing the de Poli crisis, to quote the President of the Commission, the EU is facing.

Looking at the programmes of the candidates for the French presidency, we find outdated concepts on Europe, stressing the nation-state. and we find them where we would expect them. But unfortunately, not only there, we also find them where we would not expect them.

Emmanuel Macron has a clear pro-European vision and this alone makes him an ideal speaker for the Forum Constitutionalis Europae. Monsieur Macron, the floor is yours. Thank you.

Thank you very much. Monsieur le directeur, Monsieur l'ambassadeur, Monsieur le ministre, Dames, Messieurs les parlementaires, Mesdames, Messieurs, l'usage voudrait que je parle en français. D'ailleurs, un tel sujet, je peux vous le dire, est scruté de très près en France et ce serait dérogé à la règle de manière indue de ne pas parler ce soir en français devant vous.

Néanmoins, j'ai pris l'habitude de préférer être compris des auditoires. Alors, l'autre option pourrait être de parler en allemand. Mais là, je pense que ça ne répondrait pas davantage à l'objectif.

Compte tenu, vous allez le voir à quelques occasions, de l'accent médiocre que ma scolarité m'a laissé. J'ai donc pris le parti et que les classiques, m'excuse de cela, Monsieur l'ambassadeur, sous votre contrôle, mais j'ai pris le parti de vous parler ce soir en anglais par facilité et pour que nous puissions toutes et tous nous comprendre plus facilement. Et je voudrais avant de commencer cette réflexion partagée parce que c'est plus cela que je suis venu faire avec vous et l'engagement que je veux prendre devant vous ce soir.

Je voudrais avant tout rendre hommage à Roman Herzog parce qu'il est disparu aujourd'hui. Monsieur Herzog était aussi celui à qui nous devons la charte des droits fondamentaux, des grands principes qu'il a inscrits justement dans ce texte. Et je voudrais peut-être paraphrasant imparfaitement ce qu'il avait il y a quelques décennies dit pour l'Allemagne, commencer mon propos en disant «Tourch Europa muss ein Ruck gehen ».

Parce que j'aimerais juste prendre deux événements pour justifier la discussion que nous avons aujourd'hui et le fait que une forte commitment pour l'Europe est absolument critiquée aujourd'hui pour la France et pour la Allemagne dans l'ouverture de nos campagnes présidentielles. Un peu plus qu'il y a 15 jours, c'est que Berlin a été coupée par une attaque tragique. Et vous réveillez-vous, et j'ai exprimé cette stratégie.

Et Berlin a été coupée parce que Berlin a été européenne aussi. Un peu plus tard, Istanbul a été coupée par les terroristes. Donc, nous sommes maintenant totalement dans une nouvelle histoire.

Et la tragédie de notre histoire est partie de notre contexte actuel. Et nous ne pouvons pas discuter sur notre environnement sans prendre en considération le fait que ce n'est plus le fin de notre histoire. Nous sommes complètement partie de une nouvelle histoire tragique et une nouvelle lutte tragique.

Et cette lutte est une lutte européenne pour moi. parce que c'est sur la sécurité de notre peuple et c'est sur notre capacité de préserver nos valeurs dans ce genre de lutte. Le deuxième événement que je voulais mentionner est que, un peu plus de 15 ans en mai 2000, en ce moment-là, en ce moment-là, vous prononcez une grande expérience qui n'a pas reçu l'écho, ou l'ancier, je dois dire, que cette expérience a-t-il de la France.

Je pense que c'était une grande erreur, certainement. Et probablement, nous avons perdu 15 ans après cette expérience. à ce moment-là, je ne dis pas que cette réponse serait suffisante pour s'arrêter avec ces deux événements.

Mais, définitivement, nous avons besoin de cette réponse à ce moment-là. Et j'ai une espèce de hope d'ouvrir cette discussion qui n'est pas attendu pendant 15 ans concernant ce que je vais mentionner. Donc, je veux aujourd'hui parler dans votre tradition inspirante et essayer de voir où nous sommes, et comment nous résoudrons nos challenges.

Parce que, pendant ces 15 ans, notre monde a complètement et drastiquement changé. Et cette monde a été transformée par quatre crises, je dirais. La première est la crise de la sécurité, en premier lieu.

Comme je disais, nous avons redécouvert que l'end de la histoire était un mythe. de la guerre du Jugoslav, nous nous disait, septembre 11, nous avons ouvert nos yeux, et les récentes ukraines, syriens ou libyans conflits nous montrent que les conflits violent sont à nos portes. Mais, plus que tout, terrorisme sur notre somme, nous avons compris que la sécurité et la défense ne se sont pas un luxe ni si nous sommes concernés.

C'est un changement très grand C'est une très grande changement pendant ces dernières années. La deuxième, c'est la crise de migraisonnement. Et la réalité de cette crise est très différente entre France et Allemagne, pour être fair, parce que la réalité de ses impacts est totalement différente.

Et je veux répéter ici ce que j'ai mentionné quelques jours avant dans l'opéd évoquée dans votre presse. Je crois que la société allemande a fait confiance avec beaucoup de lucidité et de courage à cette crise de réfugiés. Pourquoi ?

Parce que c'était juste sur nos valeurs communes. Parce que quand vous parlez des réfugiés, vous parlez des gens qui sont restés dans leur pays pour protéger leur famille et pour protéger leur propre pays, parce que pour des raisons politiques, ils ne peuvent pas rester dans leur pays. Dans beaucoup de nos débats, nous avons fait beaucoup de confusions entre réfugiés, migrants, terrorism, musulmans, pour dire que c'est la réalité de cette énorme mixture.

Nous devons être très tâf et lucid sur le terrorisme. Nous devons être très stricts quand le communautarisme augmente, et quand certaines personnes veulent fragiliser et jeopardiser nos sociétés. Mais nous faisons cela pour protéger nos valeurs à la fin de la journée, pour protéger nos gens et protéger nos valeurs.

Mais si nous perdons nos valeurs à la même temps, quel est le purpose de cette initiative ? Quel est le purpose de cette lutte ? Donc, je crois que la réaction allemande a été très forte et très contente, une décision très contente, pour nous rappeler comment important nos valeurs sont aujourd'hui.

La troisième crise est l'économique. Le bruit de l'économie de l'internet qui nous a dépassé à la fin du siècle, et la crise de 2008, qui a dépassé dans les USA, spreadé tout autour du monde, a donné une marque qui est encore visible sur nos économies, et a dépassé millions d'Européens, en particulier la génération plus jeune, dans l'économie de l'Europe. Et je dois dire, nous sommes évoqués cette crise, peut-être.

Mais la façon dont nous avons abordé cette crise économique en Europe n'était pas la meilleure réponse. Parce que la manque de confiance entre les États membres, parce que nous décidions de ne pas avoir, dans une approche agréable, approche, c'est la réponse smart. Après une década de moral azard dans certains pays, la réponse était sur les réformes et la over-consolidation, sans aucune co-ordination, dans beaucoup de pays, dans ce qu'on appelle, et je n'ai pas cette parole, la periférie de l'Europe.

Ce n'est pas la periférie de l'Europe, quand vous parlez d'Italie, de Greece, de Portugal, et ainsi de suite. Mais le résultat de cette période de temps est que 8 ans après cette crise, une génération a juste exprimé l'Europe avec 50% de la réforme de l'économie dans leur pays, sans aucune capacité de notre côté, de l'Allemagne et de l'Allemagne, pour les négocier, décider, précisément, une nouvelle trigger, une nouvelle phase pour un actual de l'économie de l'économie. Et il n'y a pas de la valeur pour cela quand vous comparez l'Europe avec les États-Unis.

La fourth crise est, en fait, une crise européenne, largement à cause de la fait que personne n'était dans la situation pour répondre à votre question de la question. After the rejection of the European Constitution by France and the Netherlands, we have thought that it would be better to leave the field. And we have set aside the ambitious reflections of the previous decade from the ideas of Karl Lammers and Wolfgang Charuble to the project of the Joschka Fischer and the thoughts of Alain Juppé.

A lot of people proposed during the 1990s a lot of new ideas. but after 2005 we stopped. And I have to say both France and Germany have the perfect receipt for such a blockage.

Let's start speaking about financial transfer to a German and we will stop the discussion. Let's start speaking about treaty change to a French. It will stop the discussion.

During the past decade we failed altogether to progress to have a new phase in the European construction because of this crazy choreography. And I want to stop with that. And the financial crisis that has become a euro crisis precipitated us in an emergency management. the migrant crisis and the Brexit added another lot of last chance summits to the monthly schedule of European leaders.

We are experts in the current environment of last chance summits which is the best way to fix the situation. Probably. But not to build a new phase and to address long-term issues.

And as Jacques Delors said, for Europe we need a vision and a screwdriver. Unfortunately we currently have a lot of screwdriver but we are still lacking a vision. I do not want to draw to blick a picture of this last decade even if according to me for Europe it was a lost decade. it was also the decade of the European enlargement that has reconciled the two sides of our continent.

It was the decade of our digital revolution which is not yet finished and the decade of climate change awareness with a lot of very first important decisions. For the European project nevertheless it was definitely a lost decade because distrust has spread. the European Council has become a scene where each head of state stages its so-called victory over the other members.

We perfectly know this choreography as well. Now discussing between head of states and governments is a discussion on a communiqué and when the leaders agree on a communiqué they go in front of their public opinion on their press to express it was their communiqué and they won against the other. It's not the best way to build the European idea and to build European answers.

To the extent that today the end of Europe the exit the return of nationalism is a new magical thinking. Wouldn't France be better off without German obsessions of Brussels diktats? We could spend much more and that's a motto for a lot of candidates at this presidential election.

And wouldn't Germany be better off without Gaelic frenzy or Greek muddle? You could spend less. It should be much better.

I could also have a much more demagogic message nowadays and tell you in turn that Europe is out of date. It would be easier I have to say especially in a French presidential campaign to say that Germany and France have moved apart so much that it is time to work on new alliances that I will renverser la table pour parler durement aux Allemands which is the best way to be popular in my country. But that's a deadlock from both sides for decades leaders decided precisely to create a new relationship with Germany to completely change the relationship and to be tough with this bad partner.

That's pure bullshit. How can we not see that our challenges are the same? How can we not see that terrorism is not only a French or German problem? that the Paris agreement on climate change is not an issue for Berlin too.

That in a globalized world necessary protections will not come from merely national policies but from European firmness carried by our two countries. We do have common interests and the four crises I mention which completely changed our current environment during these past decades are four common crises. I have been promoting in the past month a revolution of our system, a change of the political and economic software inherited from post-war growth and yet I do speak of Europe I do defend the European project I do pay tribute to this enlightened man who had the crazy idea to reconcile our continent unite its people for the first time in history without submission or violence because for me what is the unicity of the European Union? that's the very first time in our common history that we created a unique political body without any egamony that's a balanced peaceful organization that's why it created peace freedom and growth during more than six decades and being European so few years ago was a boring common place I have to say and today it almost sounds as a provocation so the project I want to submit to you this evening our project my project both for France and Europe is based on two critical ideas more sovereignty but more European sovereignty and unifying people which means more actual democracy this reconstruction it is the ambition that I carry and that I want to present here this reconstruction is based on the fact that we do need a Europe of sovereignty the big mistake we made during the past decades is to abandon this word sovereignty but sovereignty is just how to protect your people how to protect your interests and how to promote your interests in the rest of the world and our main mistake was to leave this world to those who promote a nationalistic approach but the actual sovereignty given our current challenges is also and probably most of the time a European sovereignty to be built construction started in the early 1950s sheltered from the American bloc and in Berlin we know more than anywhere else that this period was also a time of fractures and tensions and here in Berlin we also know how much the European construction has contributed in terms of for continents and the international community but the European project was not conceived for Europe to assert itself in global politics it was aimed at stitching back together a ripped continent at bringing back together the enemies of yesterday at giving back peace and economic prosperity to a territory in ruin Europe has moved forward this way being mostly inward looking and from treaty to treaty developing themselves by lawful relations rather than poor relations the European communities have become a European Union which deserved its name but Europe was somehow obsessed by internal competition by its single market and the convergence between its members and we failed to do so but the three disruptions the four crisis that I mentioned have weakened this progression and revealed the necessity for Europe to carry a proper vision of the world and that's a big challenge today because as the US is completely changing its strategy and it's not due to Mr.

Trump's election during the past five to seven years the US completely change their strategy in Middle East and they stopped with their classical post world war strategy to protect Europe and to build with Europe a common protection in this region of the globe today we are put in a situation where Europe has to defend in its own interests regarding security in Middle East and regarding its interests in terms of climate change and so on when you look at the situation definitely we have to rebuild and rethink about the European strategy it's no more an inward looking strategy we do have a role and a global role today in order to protect our people in order to protect our climate and in order to protect our common economic interest we often spoke about l'Europe de la puissance not always knowing what we wanted to do with that I defend today a Europe of sovereignty because sovereignty means that the capacity of acting in concrete terms to protect ourselves and defend our values because I cannot accept leaving the idea of sovereignty to the far right of the far left populists and allies and for me this sovereignty is based on five pillars the first one is the security challenge both internal and external because it is the first tool of sovereignty and yet we will still lack the most at the European level this right now awesome to give license this selbst verteidigen to können is aber voraussetzung und innerster kern jeglicher souveränität von Staaten dies gilt demnach für die EU als Gemeinschaft von Staaten in dem Sinne dass sie überhaupt nur noch so durch die Gemeinschaft Souveränität erhalten können these words perfectly accurate I have to confess are not mine thank you but those of Karl Lammers and Wolfgang Schäuble in their famous publication on European policy in 1994 probably another call to action without a lot of eco and answer security is in this in the first place understanding that our true borders are the EU borders when we speak about migration when we speak about terrorism it's not about national and domestic borders doesn't make sense it means preserving the Schengen agreements that are a fundamental achievement in the first place for the millions of everyday cross borders commuters and for this we must in the meantime strengthen the monitoring and the common administration of our external borders you understand I do believe that the right answer of this challenge is the European answer but I don't believe that our current organization today is sufficient vis-à-vis this new environment the recent creation of the European border and Coast Guard agency with increased resources and extended missions is a major progress but we must go further set an objective of at least 5,000 people that can be mobilized increase the resources of this agency and enable it to intervene lastingly in the member state in order to protect our borders we do need an external police force at our common borders because the best way to protect my population is not to block everybody at my frontier with Belgium Netherlands or Germany doesn't make sense that's crazy but everybody who arrive in Lampedusa Lesbos or at any frontiers and borders of our current organization is critical to me as well and if I want to be credible vis vis my people I do need such an approach I do need a pragmatic and much more efficient European answer those who pretend to kill Schengen they just want to restore a national and a domestic answer it's not efficient but when you say I want to preserve Schengen which for me is the most sensible answer it means I want to transform Schengen in something much more efficient in order to deal with my security and my people's security second I want to develop a common asylum policy why because we do need to coordinate ourselves and Dublin is no more sufficient I don't want to completely destroy Dublin Dublin agreements but today what's the result of the current situation you have millions of people taking a risk for their families and their lives without any perspective of the final answer and we leave the burden to the Greeks the Italians and so on that's our common responsibility both German and French we have to build together a common asylum policy in order to discuss and build agreements with third countries with origin countries and with third countries with a lot of refugees are already what we had to do is not to negotiate on a very fragile basis a wishy-washy agreement with Turkey to be fair we had to negotiate with Turkey how to deal with their refugees months and months ago in order to see how to accept some refugees and provide an actual asylum to them it was the appropriate answer so we have to reorganize at the european scale a common answer because it's more efficient and it's more respectful vis-à-vis our common values because you avoid thousands millions of people to take useful risks with a family in the Balkan route or in the Mediterranean sea we must at the European level develop cooperation agreements with major immigration and transit countries based on development and financial assistance support for borders control and agreements on the return of migrants unauthorized to enter or to remain in the EU that's the third point of such a strategy what does that mean that is realistic approach our duty is indeed to protect refugees when there is their lives our duty is to organize ourselves with a common organization to deal with that but it's now impossible to explain our people and our public opinion that you don't grant the asylum on you don't grant the papers to these migrants today you are not in a situation precisely to organize the return of these migrants to their countries because there is a sort of lose lose game between France Germany and these countries what I want to do is to organize at a European level such an organization in order to provide much more efficiency an annual conference should bring at the same table the EU and these countries in order to follow up on these agreements and make further European support conditional upon the actual implementation this is the only way to set up a genuine European migration policy both fair and effective and I endorse such a perspective because this is the only way vis-à-vis our public opinion to be both generous to be both in line with our values and efficient we we must also create a common intelligence system overcoming national reluctance that enables an effective tracking of criminals and terrorists and in the longer run a common police force against organized crime and terrorism we must face together without being naive the actual threats of the virtual world cyber terrorism as well as any type of cyber attack we do have the industry to do so we have the best players in the world to deal with this kind of behavior we have to work together in order to deal with this new phenomenon security also relies on a defense policy up to the threats we are facing I want to escape the stereotype of France in charge of international affairs but stuck in its internal problems and of Germany economically powerful but naïve in front of global threats it's no more the situation and I have to say on both sides Russia is no more just a German problem or a German exclusivity and a French passion I have to say and if you follow French policy it's actually a brand new patient as some of my competitors mainly you to believe and on the other side interventions in Africa are not the sole responsibility of France I notice incidentally that there are more Germans and French holders involved in many when you speak about euro mediterranean policy it's not a French business it's a European business it's your business in Germany as well because you are impacted by this reality so what I want to say to you this night is that now we do have on these affairs a common interest Germany has become fully aware of the necessity of a strong defense and a European defense and the white book presented this year by Ursula von der Lyon testifies to this and we have now a unique opportunity to move forward together the European Union spends half as much as the United States on defense even less if we take the Brexit into account European cooperation on military equipment programs is weaker than 10 years ago we must swiftly create a European defense fund financing research programs as well as common defense capacities and in this respect we need to encourage joint defense spending through funding via the EU budget and a common debt capacity based on European defense bonds why because this is unique opportunity on both sides Germany is changing its strategy on defense and diplomacy and I think it's a very important and smart decision and we now have to act together I don't believe about French people saying good luck good luck because you will discover that Russia indeed is in Europe geographically and historically speaking that we have a lot of passion together that through literate culture and that Russian people leave themselves as Europeans but I'm sorry to say that but you have Russian leaders who don't share our values and our views so you have to speak with Russia in order to fix the Syrian situation in order to deal on different issues you have to speak with them and never stop discussing with them but if you want to be credible you have to speak as Europeans you have to speak both and all together France and Germany and the day we will have to fix the libyan situation the day we will have to discuss both with Algeria and Egypt about the libyan issue we will have to work together to be credible and to be efficient yet with more resources but without the will power to act together we remain powerless that why we must develop a true capability for political action a permanent European headquarter in charge of operation planning and monitoring working hand in hand with national command and national command centers and NATO is essential perhaps some leaders will make some mistake with NATO we shall not trigger such a crisis I propose the establishment of a European Security Council gathering the military diplomats intelligence experts to advise European decision takers especially in case of threats or attacks the time of choices has come if the ambition of taking action together is not shared in the whole union we must find ways to move forward faster in a smaller group we shouldn't be blocked by the decision of some people which means we have to be ready to work together France and Germany with the other member stage which could decide to join the club and the treaties offer the possibility of doing so a possibility that we should examine in the coming month because without this will of moving forward the best tools in the world will be useless I'm referring for example to the battle groups put in place nearly 10 years ago and that we must finally be able to activate we do not need a treaty change to do so we need a political willingness to move forward and a political awareness of this new environment and our new challenges this defense endowed with resources and ambition it means Europe opening its eyes and taking its responsibilities it is the best way to resist the fantasy of national retrenchment and the uncertainties from American American partners it is a capability of common action in our own way but it is not calling into question NATO a strong Europe can can only strengthen science the second pillar of the sovereignty approach is our currency Europe needs a stronger economic and monetary union we must here again avoid the half pregnancy attitude and give up unfounded accusations it is today in fashion to blame the euro often on the exact opposite grounds in France and in Germany I have to say it is a good indication of the unfairness of this trail probably on one side some pretends that euro is the origins of an austerity policy which doesn't exist in France I have to reassure you and on the other side euro would be responsible for a sort of moral hazard and the inability of some other member states to reform themselves please go to Portugal and see the reforms so the truth is that we must collectively recognize that the euro is incomplete and cannot last without major reforms when I was minister with Sigmar Gabriel we asked Jean Pisani Ferry and Henrik Anderlein to work on such report for convergence between France and Germany and try to deal with this incomplete euro ism because I do believe that part of the answer is in our hands but part of the answer is in our common initiative it has not provided Europe with a full international sovereignty against the dollar and its rules it has not provided Europe with an actual convergence between the different member states what is our situation today with euro we failed in convergence policy when you look at the situation the dysfunctioning of euro is a good news for Germany I have to say you benefit from this dysfunctioning parts of your success is due to your reforms and part of our lack of success is due to the fact at the same time we didn't reform so I'm not refusing to take into consideration this big difference but in the same time the dysfunctioning of the euro zone creates unbalanced reactions and favor a sort of productive center against the rest of the zone why because euro today is a sort of a weak deutsch mark which favors the German industry and our competitiveness approach between member states is not an answer or is a dead lock because of the fact they cannot adjust through a monetary policy and as we decided not to have any solidarity and financial transfer within the eurozone it's impossible to deal with our divergence so I have to say we failed with an actual convergence approach and when you took the euro at a global scale we failed in terms of sovereignty in order to preserve look at our banks look at our common policy in Russia in Iran we are not able as Europeans to accompany our corporates in this market because of the diktat of the Americans because of the fact that they have an actual super sovereignty in monetary time so if we want an actual monetary policy we need to strengthen the euro as an international currency how to deal with that we are blocked by the lack of trust between France and Germany we are blocked by the moral hazard obsession and the fact that today we are just we just have a sort of responsibility approach we ask for structural reforms and fiscal consolidation without any solidarity and we didn't manage post crisis to deal with that my view is that first there is a French responsibility to fix the situation we have to restore trust with Germany by implementing reform that's why in my program I do endorse a series of reforms on labor markets on vocational system on education what we called in Brussels structural reforms I don't like this word because it's not very telling for people but strong reforms in order to realign our economy on the German precisely success and deliver in terms of reform and credibility second our responsibility is to respect our own commitments on the fiscal side we are the one with the Germans and the others who decided on our fiscal European policy so we have to respect this policy we have to respect our common commitments and we have to be smart with our treaties on both sides but that's a precondition having said that I do want in the same times to create a dynamic this new deal to convince Germany to spend much more here to have a much more growth friendly policy you need more investment you need a much more growth friendly approach and and we need together to trigger much more investment at the European level that's why and it was the basis of the common open issues with Sigmar Gabriel almost one and a half year ago for me for me the battle is to put in place a budget for the Eurozone and this budget will have to be backed by a borrowing capacity and by its own resources with three objectives financing key investment for the future providing emergency financial assistance from the actual European stability mechanism and helping Eurozone members in case of a large economic shock it will have to be placed under the scrutiny of the members of the European Parliament from concerned countries the establishment of this budget will have to come with a convergence agenda for the Eurozone an anti-dumping agenda that will set common rules for fiscal and social matters because no country can benefit from collective solidarity and play against its partners a common currency is a major political project linking our destinies the European Central Bank has done a lot to make this project work its independence and its action must be respected but we cannot rely on its action alone in a monetary union a country's success cannot be sustainably achieved to the detriment of another which is the limit of a competitiveness approach because competitiveness it's always when you compare yourself with a neighbor the difficulties of one are always the problem of all the economic and monetary union involves a strict responsibility and a deep solidarity clear rules loyal cooperation strong mutual assistance this is a new deal I'm promoting the only deal which can rebuild trust and generate growth that's why I do believe in this balance between responsibility and solidarity that's our economic and political duty why because if we don't do so in 10 years or 15 years times dear Joschka if somebody comes here in this university to make such a speech our risk is not to have euro anymore because the status quo is synonymous in the 10 years time of the dismantling of the euro from economic and financial reason but because this generation in half of Europe which just experienced 50% of young unemployment rate is no more a European generation my friends so that's a political duty to relaunch from an economic point of view an actual economic and progress ambition the third pillar of this sovereignty policy is a trade policy I know it's an awful word today both in France and Germany but trade is about our interest so the actual way to relaunch a trade policy is to say we have to work together when we failed is when we tried to push our own domestic agenda when Germany refused to deal at a European scale vis a vis the Chinese on photovoltaic issues and solar panels we failed it was not a smart decision when French people try to preserve their interest and not to deal at the European level on trade policy we fail why because our actual trade sovereignty is at the European level the only way to deal with a dumping decision in China or in India or in Russia is at the European level we much bolder trade policy at the European level I push very much for that as a minister and I do welcome the recent decision to modernize our trade instruments but we have to do much more than that we have to be aggressive on the trade and Jada to promote our own collective preferences we don't want to be submitted to the American or the Chinese decisions but what we want to do is to promote our collective preferences our values our taste for culture our preference for climate change decisions our collective preferences for food and so on we do need a European agenda to do so and we have to build it together and it will be a very important agenda from 2017 the fourth pillar is about sustainable development Danny about environment and energy you are delivering a very bold policy in Germany with very aggressive renewable program in France we are decreasing our exposure to nuclear energy and I want to pursue such a strategy because I think that's the good strategy not to have a hard exit but to have a smart exit and in the same time to promote and invest on renewables but if we want to succeed we do need a European strategy on sustainable development we have the collective responsibility to lead our continents ecological transition by creating an effective carbon market with markets with predictable and sufficiently high prices and by strengthening our energy markets interconnections and a common strategy in energy storage we do need common rules and common infrastructures that's unique way to deliver and to be consistent with our global commitments Europe has above all a commitment and a duty ensure the fair and complete implementation of the historic agreement reached in Paris last year and the fifth pillar to have a sovereign Europe is about digital we are in the middle of this digital revolution and as I said to French people I don't want to be the French president of a French Google it's counterintuitive I have to say especially for French people but why because it will never exist it's impossible we can we have a chance perhaps to create a European Google that's why if we want an actual sovereignty in terms of digital revolution we do need a European approach first to create a single market which means to allow our people and our startups when they create a startup in Germany to access to a 27 country's market and not just to the German market and to deal day after day with the other regulations but in the same time to promote our common preferences and our common regulations when I speak about a single market it's not just to say we will lift barriers no I want us to create an actual economic regulation in order to create value for our corporates with the data I want to create an actual European regulation to be in a situation to explain my people how I will protect that data because today I have to be frank we are not in a situation to guarantee you about US interference on your data it's not true we have this treaty extremely fragile vis-à-vis our own legislation with the US but we don't have any actual guarantee about what the GAFA are doing with your personal data if you want to protect your right to be forgotten if you want to protect precisely your privacy you need a European regulation to do so and that's the core of our sovereignty today and tomorrow so we do need a European regulation and a European single market in order to have an actual European sovereignty on digital that's why I wish that our two countries suggest together the creation of not just the single market digital union but as well to create a European agency for digital trust in charge of verifying at a European level the respect by big digital companies of their transparency duty and of the access to their services without discrimination these five pillars of sovereignty are critical and the core of my project for France and Europe but it's not sufficient we have to resume sovereignty in Europe but in the same time we have to unite people these five key domains delineate Europe that protects us and promotes our values but moving together is a necessity as we are more efficient collectively but moving together because we share an identity is the true reason for our project and no one said it better than Jean states we are united men what does that mean is that we have to change our way to proceed with Europe and we we need a much more democratic approach today the deadlock for pro European is to say I defend the European idea so that I'm afraid of my people and I want to preserve the classical choreography so we will meet together between leaders and everything will be perfectly fine this method is dead look at Bratislava look at the recent summit as I told you it's not the best way precisely to create a new momentum and prepare your future in the same time we decided all together governments to weaken the ability of the commission to do so in the 1980 the commission was in charge of common interest and designing precisely our futures for decades let's be lucid it's no more the case because of us on the other side a lot of people are promoting referendum not to build but to destroy saying okay let's ask our people whatever the question will be the answer will be no because we know the current functioning what I want to promote is a new method to to precisely ask people to be part of the solution encompass people and renovate our democratic practices not to leave the monopoly of the people to the populist this is the reason why I suggested the organization of democratic conventions after the French and German elections I suggest and I will suggest as president of the French Republic to launch democratic conventions in the whole union during six to ten months in each country it will be a debate on the content of the union action on the policies it carries on the priorities it should have these debates will rebuild trust beyond partisan games and beyond national interests it will enable to propose a common answer where binary referendum for or against only adds up contradictory refusals and concentrates rejection without a project what I want to build with these conventions is not a 200 pages treaty that's a big mistake because there's nobody reads it that's an open that's a pandora box for all the demagogues and liars no what we have to build is a roadmap for Europe not a vast treaty but a 10 to 15 pages where we define a clear list of actions that countries willing to move forward can put in place as quickly as possible in terms of defense security fiscal convergence for example it will be possible for all countries to participate to this move but not to obstruct everything and for me after this process we will have obviously an intergovernmental conference we will decide and we will go to the people to ratify to the parliament and some will choose referendum but with one clear rule and I refer to what Mario Monti and Sylvie Goulart proposed which is the fact that if one country refuses he is not in a situation to block the others it takes his responsibility for itself that's extremely important this doesn't mean giving I mean giving up all institutional reforms and I think back again at Joska Fischer striking remark 16 years ago how can we conceive a European council with 30 heads of state and government it's true I think it doesn't function very well this is where we are institutional reforms will be necessary treaty changes will come and we have to face that they should be no taboo some reforms can go faster to give room to prosper European democratic debate in this regard I fully support Daniel con Bennett's idea of using the quota of 73 British members of the European Parliament to create a truly European list for the next Parliament election in 2019 to that's a pragmatic approach to start changing an actual European democratic approach for you that's a pragmatic approach because what we have to use the treaty at the maximum of the options and we have to prepare a necessary treaty change and we have to start now and that's why we do need in the same time a European ethic a revamped democratic method renewed policies then renovated institution but we need to unite people a European ethic a desire to live together an awareness of our shared identity loyalty to our values it relies on each and every one of us this is the reason why I pay tribute to your Chancellor and the remarkable action in the refugee crisis and this is the reason why I am here today in front of you because this European ethic cannot exist without France and Germany the European project is based on the Franco German reconciliation there is a cultural dimension in the broader sense that we should never forget countries and people who killed each because we do not think in the same way because our immediate interests sometimes differ but because we share a history made of bloody conflicts that we need each other and that Europe need us together our role our historical role and duty and we don't have any choice is to work together is to trigger a new era for our Europe because that's our history and our responsibility and I want just to take here the invitation made by Willy in order to extend this invite to France and Germany and Europe it wächst zusammen was zusammen gehört that's our situation and that's especially the reason why here in front of students I want to conclude by talking about yours our European ethic so deep rooted among the generation of the founding fathers traumatized by the war got lost at the time of day-to-day business I have to say to you for your generation there is no more day-to-day business it's finished it can only be regenerated thanks to you your generation with your concrete experience of Europe there are today two categories of European those who can travel this Erasmus generation this happy Europe and half of a generation without a job at a few kilometers from here our common commitments was not to propose to a young Spaniard as a future to come to work in Berlin or in Munich is to have the opportunity to do so but it should not be the unique way that's not a responsible answer our commitment the initial commitment was his life would be better thanks to Europe and it's no more the case and I want to reconcile these two years and that's why I do believe in Europe and I do believe that your generation will be in charge of these reforms because it will take decades we will have to trigger and start the job now but it will take times and decades but please never leave the floor to those who doubt to those who aid Europe during this past decade a lot of leaders betrayed Europe why because they stopped speaking about Europe because they stopped proposing anything about Europe why because they thought that their population preferred just to stop and doubt and they left the floor to those who want to kill Europe without any memory of our history without any responsibility about our common history and our common future your role is to criticise Europe to be more demanding vis-à-vis Europe I do agree with that but to defend it and to defend every day the franco-german cooperation because this is the unique path for us and this is because Europe should not be a luxury or gadgets that I defend an Erasmus program generalized to all young people in France I set an ambition of enabling by 2022 200,000 young people per year to study or do an apprenticeship at least six months in other country of the Union it is to forge this identity and aesthetic grounded in the knowledge of the other rather than the fear of the neighbor that I want to reestablish bilingual and European classes in France because that's important and revive school training in Europe and strengthen the action of the Franco German Youth Office maximum diversity in minimum space this is what Europe is about look at the map there is no other place with such diversity with so many languages with so many wars decades after decades with so many differences in such a small place but we did it we built a unique common democratic political construction of peace freedom and prosperity today it's at stake and I have to say to conclude the European construction was initiated by men of experience instructed by the tragedy of the European civil war and it now relies on young people like you a generation that knows what a crisis is that discovers the turmoil of the world and the violence of history a generation that must ensure together that Europe tips over the right side at this moment in history when the continent trembles this is our responsibility both Germany and France and there was very unique philosopher in France Emmanuel Levinas and he had a very beautiful sentence about it was a Jewish philosopher and speaking about trust he wrote la confiance c'est le problème de l'autre and I have to say one of our main issue is the lack of trust I will take my responsibility France will take its responsibility I do want much more Europe and the Europe I describe and I do want to do that with Germany and I do trust in Germany thank you